Drogas duras
Enviado: 09 Out 2007, 18:29
Deixo aí o mote:
http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/other/wisotsky.htm
Deixo aqui um excerto que considero de grande importância:
http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/other/wisotsky.htm
Deixo aqui um excerto que considero de grande importância:
Because we live in a world of limited resources, it is not possible to do everything. It is therefore both logical and necessary to make distinctions among things that are more or less important. I have in mind at least five basic dichotomies:
1. drug use by children (top priority) versus drug use by adults (low priority);
2. marijuana smoking (low priority) versus use of harder drugs (higher priority);
3. public use of drugs (high priority) versus private use of drugs at home (low priority);
4. drug consumption (no priority) versus drug impairment (high priority);
5. occasional use (low priority) versus chronic or dependent use (higher priority).
From these general criteria for drug policy, I would commend to the National Commission five specific goals for an effective, principled drug policy:
1._Protect the Children_. I think this priority is self-evident and needs no discussion. I would simply add that this is the only domain in which "zero tolerance" makes any sense at all and might even be feasible if enforcement resources were concentrated on this as a top priority.
2._Get Tough on the Legal Drugs_. It is common knowledge that alcohol (100,000 annual deaths) and tobacco (360,000 annual deaths) far exceed the illegal drugs as sources of death, disease, and dysfunction in the U.S. Everyone knows that alcohol and tobacco are big business -- the advertising budget alone for alcohol runs about $2 billion a year -- and, what is worse, the states and federal government are in complicity with the sellers of these deadly drugs by virtue of the billions in tax revenues that they reap.
I am not, however, suggesting prohibition of these drugs. That is wrong in principle and impossible in practice, as experience teaches. Nonetheless, there are more restrictive measure that can and should be undertaken. One is to get rid of cigarette vending machines so that cigarettes are not so readily available to minors. A second is to require or recommend to the states and localities more restrictive hours of sale. A third is to levy taxes on these products that are consistent with their social costs -- billions of dollars in property damage, disease, and lost productivity.(71) Those costs should be financed largely by the sale of these products; at present prices, society is clearly subsidizing those products by providing police, fire, ambulance services for road accidents; medicare and medicaid reimbursement for therapy, surgery, prosthesis or other medical care; and many other hidden costs effectively externalized by the industries from smoker and drinker to society as a whole.
Precise numbers need to be derived from studies, but I wouldn't be surprised to find cigarettes at, say, $10 a pack and hard liquor at, say, $30-$50 a bottle to be priced more consistently with their true social costs. Such taxes would have the additional salutary effect of reducing the consumption of these dangerous products to the extent that their demand is elastic.
3. _Public Safety and Order_. Here we need policies directed toward protection of the public from accident and injury on the highway, in the workplace and from unruly disruptions in public streets, public transport, parks and other gathering places. Programs specifically tailored to accomplish this more focused goal make a lot more sense than futile and counter productive "zero tolerance" approaches. Street-level law enforcement practices need to be reviewed to see to what extent they may actually encourage hustling drugs in the street to avoid arrests and forfeitures that might follow from fixed points of sale. Promotion of driving and workplace safety require more knowledge. Nothing should be assumed. Drug use, as the Air Force's and Freud's examples show, does not automatically mean that a pilot or driver is impaired. Even with marijuana there is ambiguous evidence as to its effect on motor co-ordination.(72) Responsible research is required.
4. _Protect Public Health_. The emphasis here is on the word "public". Policy should be directed toward 1. treatment of addicts on a voluntary basis and 2. true epidemiological concerns such as the use of drugs by pregnant women and the potential for transmission of AIDS by I.V. drug users. Addiction treatment is now shamefully underfunded, with months-long waiting lists in many cities. Purely individualized risks are not in principle a public health matter and are in any case trivial in magnitude compared to those now accepted from alcohol and tobacco. Judge Young found no known lethal dose of marijuana. Even with cocaine, which has lethal potential, less than 2,000 deaths per year result even though billions of lines or puffs of cocaine are consumed every year. (Other long-term harms may result but are not systematically known at this time.)
In any event, harmfulness is not the sole touchstone of regulation; the requirements of goal number five, listed below, demand considerable deference to individual choice in this domain.
5. _Respect the Value of Individual Liberty and Responsibility_. The current administration's goal of a drug-free America, except for children, is both ridiculous -- as absurd as a liquor-free America -- and wrong in principle. This is not fundamentalist Ayatollah Land after all. A democratic society must respect the decisions made by its adult citizens, even those perceived to be foolish or risky. After all, is it different in principle to protect the right of gun ownership, which produces some ten to twelve thousand homicides per year and thousands more non-fatal injuries? Is it different in principle to protect the right of motorcyclists, skydivers or mountain climbers to risk their lives? Is it different to permit children to ride bicycles which "cause" tens of thousands of crippling injuries and deaths per year? To say that something is "dangerous" does not automatically supply a reason to outlaw it. Indeed, the general presumption in our society is that competent adults, with access to necessary information, are entitled to take risks of this kind as part of the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Why are drugs different? It would be truly totalitarian if the government could decide these matters. After all, if the government is conceded to have the power to prohibit what is dangerous, does it not then have the power to compel what is safe? More specifically, if one drug can be prohibited on the ground that it is dangerous to the individual, would it then not be permissible for the government to degree that beneficial doses of some other drug must be taken at specified intervals.The freedom of American citizens has already been seriously eroded by the War on Drugs.(73) More civil liberties hang in the balance of the 1988 Omnibus Anti-Drug Abuse Act pending in Congress and further legislation in years to come. Is the defense of Americans from drugs to be analogized to the defense of the Vietnamese from Communism, that it was necessary to destroy the city of Hue in order to save it? The National Commission should give serious weight to this value in its policy recommendation.